Approximately 12 Recovered UFOs are in Possession of U.S. Government; AARO Lacks Security Clearance to Investigate

Leslie Kean and Ralph Blumenthal’s bombshell report on former intelligence official David Grusch’s revelation of the U.S. government’s decades-long UFO retrieval efforts have opened the floodgates, with another reporter announcing that he has been contacted by other sources that tell him that the US government is in possession of at least 12—and possibly up to 15—alien craft. The sources are also frustrated with the lack of attention the All-domain Anomaly Resolution Office (AARO) is paying to the issue of recovered non-human craft, of which is at least partially due to the lack of a high enough security clearance to properly investigate their claims.

In a June 7 post on his Substack blog Public, Michael Shellenberger says that he has been approached by “multiple sources close to the matter” claiming “that Grusch’s core claims are accurate.” Much like the individuals interviewed by Kean and Blumenthal, Shellenberger reports that his sources “are all either high-ranking intelligence officials, former intelligence officials, or individuals who we could verify were involved in U.S. government UAP efforts for three or more decades each. Two of them have testified, including as recently as last year, to both AARO and Congress.”

These individuals report that they have received “credible” and “verifiable” evidence that the U.S. government and various U.S. military contractors are in possession of at least 12, and possibly more, “alien space crafts” being housed in different locations, including the secretive test facility at Area 51, although they are moved from facility to facility, depending on the research being conducted on any given craft.

“I know of at least 12-15 craft,” according to one source, who claims they reported this information to AARO and Congress. “Every five years, we get one or two recovered for one reason or another, from either a landing or that we catch, or they just crash.”

“There were at least four morphologies, different structures,” another source explained. “Six were in good shape; six were not in good shape. There were cases where the craft landed, and the occupants left the craft unoccupied. There have been high-level people, including generals, who have placed their hand on the craft, and I would have no reason to disbelieve them.”

Another source says that they had seen three different types of craft; one was triangular in shape, while another “looked like a chopped up helicopter, with the front bubble of a Huey helicopter, with the plastic windows, or more like a deep sea submarine, with a thick piece of glass bubble shaped, and where the tail rudder should have been, it was a black, egg-shaped pancake, and instead of landing gear it had upside-down rams horns that went from the top to the bottom and rested on the ends of the horns.”

The state of functionality of each craft is unclear, with one source, who had been briefed on UAP as recently as five years ago, stating that “as far as I know, we are not able to operate them. There are people who say we have reverse-engineered them and are flying them. I never found any support for that. And found a lot of support for saying we can’t figure it out. If we do, it would be in some program at a higher security level.”

However, another source stated that “some of the tech is very cutting-edge, and they have to travel to places like Italy, Belgium, and Indonesia to do flight testing. It’s worldwide. Some of our allies know about the programs. The clandestine places that they work out of have grown larger.”

The existence of some of these craft has been disclosed to AARO; however, AARO has refused to brief Congress on this because the office “has not discovered any verifiable information” on the issue, due to ARRO’s lack of the proper security clearances to investigate Shellenberger’s sources’ claims.

“In his testimony to Congress, Kirkpatrick said that AARO is operating under Title 10 authority, but most intelligence agencies operate under a higher, Title 50 Authority,” explained one of Shellenberger’s sources “The intelligence community with Title 50, feels free to stonewall AARO with Title 10 because they view Title 10 authority as inferior to Title 50.”

Under United States law, Title 10 authority outlines the role of the U.S. armed forces, such as the Army, Navy and Air Force, providing the legal basis for each branch’s roles, missions and organization, and by extension for the Department of Defense as well; Title 50, however, is assigned to the various U.S. intelligence services, and is often viewed as superseding the authority of any department holding Title 10 status.

All of Shellenberger’s sources “expressed anger and frustration” at the statement the Pentagon made to The Independent in response to David Grusch’s June 5 revelations, stating that AARO “has not discovered any verifiable information to substantiate claims that any programs regarding the possession or reverse-engineering of any extraterrestrial materials have existed in the past or exist currently.”

“The denials coming out of Susan Gough and the Pentagon are specifically chosen to use AARO as the source of information when Grusch has already addressed that AARO didn’t have access. And so, of course, they didn’t discover anything,” one source stated.

“The AARO response is typical because they are not doing any investigation of the testimony they’ve been given,” according to another source. “Kirkpatrick has not been reporting properly to the congressional committees.”

All of Shellenberger’s sources say that the veil of secrecy that shrouds these reverse-engineering programs is an obstacle to cracking the exotic technologies’ secrets; this is the same claim made much earlier by whistleblower Robert Lazar, who, along with investigative reporter George Knapp, brought Area 51 and the adjacent S-4 research facility to public attention.

At least one contractor proposed that they form a buffer organization to prevent the researchers from learning the origin of the technologies being worked on—allowing the contractor to employ a broader range of personnel on the project—but the DoD turned them down. As it stands, one of Shellenberger’s sources estimates that there are only 100 to 700 individuals that know about the craft; another said that, in regards to the project they were involved with, “maybe on [the DoD] side, there were three people total. There were 4 or 5 people who I knew of on the aerospace corporation side.”

That same exclusivity apparently exists on the legislative side, with one of the sources explaining that “only certain politicians and presidents who grew up in this world, who touched this program, get read in.”

It remains to be seen whether or not Congress will afford AARO with the security clearances necessary to properly investigate the decades-old black programs that are now seeing new attention—programs that may have been illegally hidden from Congressional oversight, according to Grusch—and if AARO will encounter more roadblocks, both from without and within, in its investigations.